In May 1959,
Charles Percy Snow took the stage at the Senate House in
Cambridge to give the annual Rede lecture. The British
chemist-turned-novelist’s appearance—a rotund jowly face
atop a bulky, shambling figure—led wags to comment that
the speaker was well rounded in more than just his
intellect.
Snow’s talk, titled “The Two Cultures and the
Scientific Revolution,” broadly diagnosed a
problem he believed challenged the future of all western
democracies. For years, he had noted that British
humanists and scientists shared “little but
different kinds of incomprehension and dislike”
(1,
2).
The inability of literary scholars and scientists to
understand and communicate with one another was not just
an intellectual loss, Snow claimed, but something that
threatened the ability of modern states to address the
world’s problems.
In his lecture, his analysis sharpened as he
derided Oxbridge humanists as an insular community
of pessimistic Luddites responsible for Great
Britain’s national decline. By contrast, it was
scientists—Snow famously cast them as optimists with
the “future in their bones”—who could spread
progress and prosperity at home and abroad. And with
the British civil service dominated by those with a
backward-looking literary orientation, Snow claimed
that the Soviet Union, where scientists and
engineers were more influential, won an advantage.
Snow’s diagnosis precipitated a blizzard of heated
objections, ad hominem attacks, and retaliatory
articles. Like the chasm between the “two cultures”
itself, these vituperative volleys drew deeply on
long-standing divides in British society when it
came to class, education, and dominance. Seen
another, equally nationalistic way, the fight was
also about the role of scientific and technological
expertise in postwar Britain, with Snow largely
cheering for the technocrats (3).
THE CULTURE CLASH CROSSES THE POND
Although Snow’s lecture provoked an immediate
sensation in Great Britain, initial reactions in the
United States were muted. It received little notice, for
example, in The New York Times until a lengthy
review of Snow’s ideas, now converted into a
modest-sized book, appeared in January 1960. J. Tuzo
Wilson, a Canadian geophysicist, gently rebutted some of
Snow’s claims while demonstrating, with deference to
Snow, his own familiarity with contemporary literature (4).
Nonetheless, Wilson concluded that “no one has yet
refuted” Snow’s basic argument.
In the months that followed, however, Snow’s judgments
generated an avalanche of discussion in the United
States. Columbia University made the book required
reading for all freshmen. Then-senator John F. Kennedy
praised Snow for his insights, and American book clubs
soon began to offer The Two Cultures to
members. What was originally formulated to diagnose
specific British conditions started to diffuse into
American public discourse.
SCIENCE ANXIETY IN COLD WAR AMERICA
The different importance Snow’s phrase acquired in the
United States can be traced, in part, to renewed
attention, bordering on obsession, that policy-makers,
industry leaders, and researchers gave to science and
technology circa 1960. Sputnik had galvanized American
efforts to reform engineering and science education as
Congress passed the National Defense Education Act. This
massive infusion of funds, coupled with the manpower
needs of the space race and the arms race, dramatically
increased the number of young people entering fields
such as physics and engineering. Consequently,
discussions of the two cultures from the early 1960s are
best imagined with an insistent Sputnik-generated
“beep-beep-beep” chirping in the background.
The Expo ′70 Pepsi pavilion embodied an
avante-garde collaboration between artists and
engineers.
In the years following Snow’s original lecture,
articles and letters agreeing with, referencing, or
rebutting his claims appeared in American science and
engineering journals. Scientific American, for
example, ran a lengthy piece by historian Asa Briggs,
who expressed some agreement with Snow’s general
argument while challenging Snow’s binary reductionism.
Reviews published in Physics Today and the Bulletin
of the Atomic Scientists struck similar notes.
Besides transforming Snow into a well-known public
intellectual, his lecture (and the rancorous debate it
provoked) transformed “the two cultures” into a
metonym. Invoking the phrase became an abbreviated and
efficient, if not always precise, way of referring to a
more complex set of concerns. As a result, throughout
the 1960s, Snow’s phrase became a universal solvent into
which all sorts of concerns, anxieties, and remedies
could be mixed. Part of the power of Snow’s phrase lay
in its binary nature—the image of two cultures was
easily grasped—and this aspect remains what is most
widely referenced today.
A QUEST TO HUMANIZE TECHNOLOGISTS
These dialogues were part of a much more expansive
conversation about American education in the postwar
period. Former chemist and Harvard president James
Conant, for example, commissioned a prominent 1945
study, General Education in a Free Society, which
proposed that all students receive a holistic liberal
education that would foster creativity and more
flexible, open minds (5).
The report emphasized a need to balance coursework in
the humanities and sciences so as to avoid the sort of
noncommunication and specialization later seen as
pervasive in Snow’s two cultures.
The question of exposing future technologists to
“culture” was seen as perhaps an even more pressing
issue when it came to educating engineers. Engineers
still struggled to be accepted as the professional equal
of scientists. Caricatured as defiantly “crass,
materialistic, insensitive” people whose acquaintance
with the arts and literature was “limited to cheap
movies and comic books,” such stereotypes (these are
from a 1956 study on engineering education) suggested
that “humanizing” future technologists would be an even
tougher task (6).
One suggested remedy was exposure to the fine arts.
MIT’s administration, for example, created a Committee
for the Study of the Visual Arts led by leading art
history professors and directors of major east coast
museums. The hope was that the arts and humanities would
provide more than just a “cultural veneer” and actually
serve a utilitarian purpose by enhancing engineers’
creativity. These concerns acquired greater urgency
toward the end of the 1960s, when student activists,
opponents of the Vietnam War, and critics of large,
impersonal, and destructive technological systems
increasingly labeled engineers as amoral technocrats
beholden to the large companies they served.
The tensions between instrumentalism, pragmatism, and
idealism were found in other lengthy reports that piled
up like so many bricks on the desks of education
reformers throughout the 1960s. Although these might not
reference the “two cultures problem” explicitly,
they didn’t need to. Building rapport between
engineering, science, and the humanities had been
absorbed by educators and many practicing engineers as a
goal worthy of pursuit (if indeed not easily
attainable). Likewise, so had Snow’s two cultures
concept.
ART AND TECH OUTSIDE ACADEMIA
The winds from Snow’s storm were felt outside the
academy as well. In the 1960s, a slew of initiatives to
unite artists with scientists and engineers burst forth
from corporate laboratories, cold water lofts,
publishing houses, and museum galleries. An essential
ingredient of all these efforts was the remarkable
economic prosperity of the 1960s. Companies and
corporate laboratories, buoyed by years of
profitability, could afford to allow—even
encourage—their scientists and engineers to partner with
artists.
One of the most notable of these efforts was the New
York–based group Experiments in Art and Technology.
Cofounded in 1966 by engineer Billy Klüver and artist
Robert Rauschenberg, EAT helped connect engineers and
artists and carried out a series of high-profile
art-and-technology programs. Implicit—if not stated
outright—as a motivation for these activities was the
generative value in bringing people from different
professional cultures together. Art-and-technology
advocates imagined their intervention could help solve
the “two cultures problem” or at least build beachheads
to an armistice. Viewed by some as too important to be
left just to artists, making art was something to which
engineers and scientists could and should contribute.
“STEAM”: INSPIRED, PRAGMATIC, BOTH?
Creative collaboration, a primary goal of the
art-and-technology movement 50 years ago, is still
prized by today’s corporate leaders and college
administrators. Conferences, journals, and societies
devoted to activities at the interfaces between art,
science, and technology are proliferating. Since 2010,
national education leaders have lauded the value of
adding arts and design to the traditional science,
technology, engineering, and math framework (labeled as
“STEM to STEAM,” where the “A” means Arts). These
contemporary activities reflect aspirations expressed by
art-and-technology advocates 50 years ago.
A figure holding a flag is reflected in the
Mylar-covered ceiling of the Pepsi pavilion at Expo
′70 in Osaka, Japan.
But where the earlier collaborative efforts were fueled
by economic prosperity and a pronounced sense of utopian
possibilities, one senses that enthusiasm for today’s
STEM-to-STEAM initiatives is driven by more prosaic
concerns. It’s no coincidence that the most recent
efforts to connect art, science, and engineering gained
steam after the Great Recession of 2008–2009.
Politicians regularly (and wrongly) claim that majors
such as theater or history are impractical luxuries that
don’t lead to jobs.
Meanwhile, a prime concern for educators and
policy-makers remains how and what to teach the next
generation of technologists. Once again, some education
experts see the integration of the arts into science and
engineering curricula as an answer. Moreover, today’s
efforts to meld creative cultures often insinuate that
technological art (or artful technology) is a pathway to
commercial innovation and profits. Seen this way, STEAM
advocates can sometimes appear more instrumental than
idealistic in their goals.
FOCUSING ON WHAT UNITES US
A few years after Snow’s imagery of two cultures
at odds and incommensurate with one another migrated to
the United States, Science published a short article
challenging his claims (7).
The author—a history professor—suggested that the divide
between the sciences and the humanities wasn’t as wide as
imagined. His small liberal arts school had not two but
“perhaps two hundred cultures,” any of which could be
relentlessly esoteric and insular. But (besides a common
antipathy toward campus bureaucrats), these practitioners
all shared values such as academic freedom, a respect for
evidence, and a belief that more knowledge and
understanding was an unalloyed good thing.
At a time rife with a disregard for facts and the
methods used to produce them (even when they portend a
catastrophic future), perhaps Snow, were he alive today,
would encourage scientists and humanists, engineers and
artists, to focus on the one culture to which we all
belong.
References
-
1. C. P. Snow, New Statesman and Nation 52, 413
(1956).
-
2. C. P. Snow, The Two Cultures and the
Scientific Revolution (Cambridge Univ. Press,
1959).
-
3. D. Edgerton, History of Science 43, 187
(2005).
-
4. J. T. Wilson, New York Times, 3 January
1960, p. BR3.
-
5. J. Cohen-Cole, The Open Mind: Cold War
Politics & the Sciences of Human Nature
(Univ. Chicago Press, 2014).
-
6. American Society for Engineering
Education, General Education in Engineering: A
Report of the Humanistic-Social Research
Project (American Society for Engineering
Education, 1956), pp. 2–3.
-
7. L. Lafore, Science 145, 3634 (1964).
About the author
The author is at the Department of History,
University of California, Santa Barbara, Santa
Barbara, CA 93106, USA.